Complementizer Semantics in European Languages by Kasper Boye, Petar Kehayov

By Kasper Boye, Petar Kehayov

This booklet offers the 1st comparative examine of complementizer semantics in eu languages. the point of interest is on semantics, yet comparable concerns corresponding to the syntax, morphology and diachrony of complementizers, and their omission and mixture also are mentioned. The publication comprises contributions from specialists of person languages and language households. either formal and useful ways are represented, and greater than forty languages are coated.

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M Once again, the distribution of information is clearly relevant here: (19) accepts that he was here; (20) does not but leaves it open. We find the same situation with predicates of saying and telling. As we will see in the next section, verbs of saying especially when they report speech in the past, take Type 1 complements. vn to. 3pl ‘Don’t tell me if they are here’ (I’d rather not know) nhw fan hyn] 3pl here The glosses elucidate the pragmatic distinction here. Type 2 is again the more “open”, in (22) they might or might not be here; with (21) I suspect (confirming my worst fears) that they are.

2 Welsh Again there is the contrast between (94) and (95): an affirmative complement takes the bod-construction, while a negative complement requires an inflected finite form. The construction in (94) reflects literary influence in that the form mod is the nasalized product of bod after the elided 1sg. 3sg ‘I heard (that) Mr Owen wasn’t there’ (Rhys Jones 1977: 203) Mr. Owen Mr. 5 Commentative predicates These are predicates commenting on complement propositions assumed to be factual. They can involve emotions or judgments.

In certain fixed or stereotyped phrases, má contrasts with a Type 1 complementizer. An example is the fixed phrase beag/ba bheag ‘it is/was (by) little’, which is the equivalent of English barely, scarcely, and followed by a finite complement. We have the following minimal pair: (30) comments on an underlying 9 See de Bhaldraithe (1956/7) for discussion of a western Irish dialect here. if pst\win (It is (by) little if they won) ‘They barely won’ siad] 3pl siad] 3pl If the premise underlying (31) is accepted as factual, why would the conditional marker má be used?

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